{"id":8014,"date":"2017-04-12T09:19:12","date_gmt":"2017-04-12T07:19:12","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/haberler.dk\/wp\/analiz-fars-milliyetciligi-ve-mesruiyet-krizi\/8014"},"modified":"2021-10-03T06:33:57","modified_gmt":"2021-10-03T04:33:57","slug":"analiz-fars-milliyetciligi-ve-mesruiyet-krizi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.nordicturk.com\/arsiv\/20122025\/analiz-fars-milliyetciligi-ve-mesruiyet-krizi\/8014\/","title":{"rendered":"ANAL\u0130Z – Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve me\u015fruiyet krizi"},"content":{"rendered":"

Son d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye’den \u00fcst d\u00fczey yetkililerin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 ele\u015ftiren a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda giderek artan bir \u015fekilde Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanmalar\u0131 g\u00f6zlemcilerin dikkatini \u00e7ekiyor.
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Son d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye’den \u00fcst d\u00fczey yetkililerin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 ele\u015ftiren a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda giderek artan bir \u015fekilde Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanmalar\u0131 g\u00f6zlemcilerin dikkatini \u00e7ekiyor. <\/div>\n
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\u0130ran’da gittik\u00e7e daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelen ve \u00fclkenin kadim k\u00fclt\u00fcr miras\u0131 i\u00e7indeki Arap ve T\u00fcrk katk\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015flayan, hatta bir nefret konusu haline getiren bu e\u011filim, bir ulus kimli\u011finin in\u015fas\u0131 ve tahkiminin \u00f6tesinde Tahran’\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politika y\u00f6nelimlerinin ufkunu belirleyen ba\u015fl\u0131ca bir unsur haline de gelmi\u015f durumda.   <\/div>\n
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Her ne kadar ge\u00e7mi\u015fini Ebu M\u00fcslim Horasani\u2019nin Emeviler kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ayaklanmas\u0131na ya da Abbasiler d\u00f6nemindeki, \u00e7o\u011fu ayn\u0131 zamanda \u0130slam kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olan \u015euubiye hareketlerine kadar geriye g\u00f6t\u00fcrmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse de modern anlamda \u0130ran milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi di\u011fer \u0130slam \u00fclkelerine benzer olarak 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda Bat\u0131l\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin ve hemen ard\u0131ndan \u015farkiyat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n etkisiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. \u00d6zellikle \u015eiraz etraf\u0131nda bulunan antik Pers medeniyetine ait eserlerin yeniden ke\u015ffedilmesi ve Pasargard\u2019daki kadim yaz\u0131tlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi \u0130ranl\u0131 elitler aras\u0131nda modern milliyet\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin yay\u0131lmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli rol oynad\u0131.<\/div>\n
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Bu durum Bat\u0131l\u0131lar\u0131n yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi \u0130ran tarihine dair kitaplar\u0131n Fars\u00e7aya \u00e7evrilmesiyle ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f daha sonra \u0130ranl\u0131 yazarlar \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemi y\u00fccelttikleri tarih kitaplar\u0131n\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131lar\u0131n b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerden devralm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ahmed Kesrevi, Mirza Malkom Han, Mirza Aga Han Kirmani ve Fethali Ahundzade gibi isimlerin etkisiyle k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u0130ranl\u0131lar\u0131 etkisi alt\u0131na alan erken d\u00f6nem milliyet\u00e7ilik bu d\u00f6nemde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan sosyalizm ve \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k gibi nev-zuhur ideolojilerle rekabetini k\u0131sa vadede kaybetmi\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de asl\u0131nda kolektif bilin\u00e7te rakiplerine oranla \u00e7ok daha fazla k\u00f6kle\u015fmeyi ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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Geleneksel k\u00fclt\u00fcre d\u00fc\u015fman entelijansiya<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Ka\u00e7arlar d\u00f6neminde yayg\u0131nla\u015fmaya ba\u015flayan ve i\u00e7eride ortak bir ulusal kimlik olu\u015fturma ve d\u0131\u015far\u0131da g\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e artan bir \u015fekilde bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 hissettiren Rus ve \u0130ngiliz m\u00fcdahalelerine kar\u015f\u0131 koyma ekseninde \u015fekillenmeye ba\u015flayan milliyet\u00e7ilik ak\u0131m\u0131 ilgin\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde zamanla i\u00e7eriye ve yak\u0131n \u2018\u00f6teki\u2019ye yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00dclkenin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu durumdan geleneksel k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc sorumlu tutan ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n dinle ili\u015fkisi ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemdeki baz\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n tutumunu and\u0131rsa da din fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn yan\u0131nda di\u011fer bir \u00f6nemli sorun kayna\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkede yayg\u0131n Arap ve T\u00fcrk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc olarak belirlenmi\u015f ve bu \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcye y\u00f6nelik geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131 bir muhalif entelijansiya hareketi ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130slam kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, sonralar\u0131 Rusya Azerbaycan\u0131’na yerle\u015fen Ahundzade taraf\u0131ndan temsil edilirken, klasik k\u00fclt\u00fcre y\u00f6nelik nefret, Kesrevi\u2019nin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti\u011fi Haf\u0131z ve Sadi gibi klasiklerin yak\u0131lmas\u0131 t\u00f6renleri d\u00fczenlenmesine kadar vard\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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Bu ayd\u0131nlar \u00e7e\u015fitli teorilerle ve ellerindeki k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 bas\u0131n yay\u0131n imk\u00e2nlar\u0131yla asl\u0131nda t\u0131pk\u0131 \u2018Turan\u2019 gibi, bir ulus devlet ad\u0131ndan \u00e7ok efsanevi bir kavrama tekab\u00fcl eden \u0130ran ile \u0130ranl\u0131 kimli\u011fini kurgulamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ancak yine de bu d\u00f6nemde s\u00f6z konusu \u00e7evrelerin g\u00fcndeme getirdi\u011fi \u0130ranl\u0131l\u0131k kavram\u0131 o kadar mu\u011flakt\u0131r ki \u00f6rne\u011fin radikal milliyet\u00e7i ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6nde gelenlerinden Talibov Tebriz\u00ee \u2018Sefine-i Talibi\u2019 adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle tan\u0131mlamak zorunda hissediyordu: “Anlamal\u0131y\u0131z ki korumam\u0131z ve terakkisi i\u00e7in her t\u00fcrl\u00fc fedak\u00e2rl\u0131ktan \u00e7ekinmemiz gereken vatan\u0131n ad\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019d\u0131r ve \u015eiraz, Isfahan, Kirman, Ka\u015fan, Tahran, Horasan, Kazvin, Re\u015ft Tebriz, Hoy ve di\u011ferleri ona ba\u011fl\u0131 \u015fehirlerdir.\u201d<\/div>\n
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Burada s\u00f6z konusu gruplar\u0131n temel g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini \u00f6zetlemek faydal\u0131 olabilir. Yak\u0131n d\u00f6nemde Nas\u0131r Purpirar gibi ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r \u015fekilde ele\u015ftirilerine maruz kalsa da milliyet\u00e7i tarih\u00e7ilerin \u00f6nde gelen isimlerinden Abdulh\u00fcseyin Zerinkub\u2019un \u2018\u0130ki As\u0131rl\u0131k Sessizlik\u2019 adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda resmetmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve standart resmi tarih g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olarak de\u011ferlendirilebilecek teze g\u00f6re \u0130ran-Pers imparatorlu\u011fu \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde b\u00fcy\u00fck ve g\u00f6rkemli bir medeniyete sahipken kendisinden \u00e7ok daha a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 bedevi bir kavmin (Araplar\u0131n) sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na u\u011fram\u0131\u015f, b\u00fct\u00fcn saraylar\u0131, k\u00fct\u00fcphaneleri ve \u015fehirleri bu yar\u0131 vah\u015fi kavim taraf\u0131ndan yak\u0131l\u0131p y\u0131k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. O d\u00f6nemden itibaren iki as\u0131r boyunca \u0130ran ve Fars dili sahneden silinmi\u015f ve yeniden kendisine gelebilmesi i\u00e7in Abbasilerin i\u015f ba\u015f\u0131na gelmesi ve \u0130ranl\u0131 \u015fahsiyetlerin yeniden sahneye \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gerekmi\u015ftir. Yine de \u0130ran hi\u00e7bir zaman eski parlak g\u00fcnlerine ula\u015famam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve bunda en b\u00fcy\u00fck etken \u00fclkeyi etkisi alt\u0131na alan Arap ve sonras\u0131nda T\u00fcrk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/div>\n
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Milliyet\u00e7ilik resmi ideoloji haline geldi<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Meseleyle ilgili ilgin\u00e7 bir nokta da Ahmed Kesrevi\u2019den Seyyid Hasan Takizade\u2019ye, Tahran\u2019da T\u00fcrk\u00e7e\u2019nin yasaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6neren Mahmud Ef\u015far\u2019dan son d\u00f6nemin g\u00f6zde teorisyeni Cevad Tabatabai\u2019ye kadar \u00f6nemli Fars milliyet\u00e7isi isimlerin bir\u00e7o\u011funun T\u00fcrk k\u00f6kenli olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Kesrevi\u2019nin bize \u00e7ok yabanc\u0131 gelmeyen ancak ilgin\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde kimi \u0130ranl\u0131 kesimler aras\u0131nda kabul g\u00f6ren teorisine g\u00f6re Azeri T\u00fcrkleri asl\u0131nda etnik k\u00f6kenleri itibariyle Fars olup sonradan \u00f6zellikle Sel\u00e7uklu ve Mo\u011fol hakimiyeti d\u00f6neminde T\u00fcrkle\u015fmi\u015flerdir. Ancak bu teori neden Kirman veya Isfahan gibi bin sene boyunca T\u00fcrk hakimiyeti alt\u0131nda kalan b\u00f6lgelerin T\u00fcrkle\u015fmedi\u011fini ya da Mo\u011fol hakimiyeti alt\u0131nda neden Mo\u011folla\u015fmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamakta yetersiz kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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Her ne kadar Ka\u00e7ar d\u00f6nemi ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 modern, sek\u00fcler ve milliyet\u00e7i \u0130ranl\u0131 kimli\u011fini olu\u015fturabilmek i\u00e7in hararetli tart\u0131\u015fmalara girmi\u015f olsalar da klasik \u0130slam imparatorlu\u011fu \u00f6zelliklerini ta\u015f\u0131yan ve etnik Farslar\u0131n az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olu\u015fturdu\u011fu \u00fclkede di\u011fer b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinde de g\u00f6r\u00fclen modern bir ulusal kimlik olu\u015fturma siyasetlerinin geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde uygulanabilmesi i\u00e7in muktedir bir merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerekiyordu. Bu noktada kendisine soyad\u0131 olarak \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi hanedanlardan \u2018Pehlevi\u2019 ad\u0131n\u0131 se\u00e7en R\u0131za Han d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri ve politikalar\u0131yla asl\u0131nda kendisinden \u00f6nce ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f olan ve yukar\u0131da baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ad\u0131 zikredilen milliyet\u00e7i ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n hayallerini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek bir isim olarak tezah\u00fcr etmi\u015fti. Nitekim R\u0131za \u015eah 1925\u2019te \u015fahl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan eder etmez \u00fclkeyi modernle\u015ftirmeye ve merkezi y\u00f6netimi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmeye ba\u015flad\u0131, Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini resm\u00ee ideoloji haline getirdi.<\/div>\n
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1934 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00fclkenin ad\u0131n\u0131n resmen \u0130ran\u2019a \u00e7evrilmesiyle birlikte milliyet\u00e7i fikirler iyice yayg\u0131nla\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131 ve tarih\u00e7i Ervand Abrahamian\u2019\u0131n tespit etti\u011fi gibi d\u00f6nemin Avrupa\u2019s\u0131nda yayg\u0131n olan \u201cBat\u0131 \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 modern \u0130ran milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin bi\u00e7imlenmesinde rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d R\u0131za \u015eah d\u00f6neminde Fars\u00e7a\u2019daki T\u00fcrk\u00e7e ve Arap\u00e7a kelimeleri \u00e7\u0131karmak i\u00e7in seferberlik ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, \u00fclkedeki bir\u00e7ok yerle\u015fim biriminin ad\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015f, \u00f6rne\u011fin \u2018Arabistan\u2019 eyaletinin ad\u0131 resmen Huzistan olmu\u015ftu. Yine ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde klasik d\u00f6nem Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin sembol isimlerinden Firdevsi i\u00e7in Tus \u015fehrinde dev bir an\u0131t mezar in\u015fa edilmi\u015f ve \u00e7e\u015fitli etkinliklere ev sahipli\u011fi yapmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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Arap ve T\u00fcrk kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 s\u00f6ylem<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Bu noktada bir konuyu a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmakta fayda bulunmaktad\u0131r: \u0130ran co\u011frafyas\u0131ndaki siyasi y\u00f6netimin \u0130ranl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma\/Farsla\u015ft\u0131rma tavr\u0131 yaln\u0131zca yerle\u015fik ve kadim bir medeniyet olarak Fars k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn di\u011fer kom\u015fu k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerle olan ili\u015fkisi ba\u011flam\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde bunda \u015fa\u015f\u0131lacak bir \u015fey olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Bu durumda yine Abrahamian\u2019\u0131n \u015fahitli\u011fiyle T\u00fcrk bir soydan gelmesine ra\u011fmen Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini resm\u00ee ideoloji haline getiren R\u0131za \u015eah\u2019\u0131n tarihte benzerlerine \u00e7ok\u00e7a rastlanan bir davran\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imi i\u00e7ine girdi\u011fi s\u00f6ylenebilir. Nitekim kendilerini \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi \u0130ran hanedanlar\u0131 ile irtibatland\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Sel\u00e7uklular ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere baz\u0131 T\u00fcrk hanedanlarda da rastland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere bu tutum kendini yerle\u015fik k\u00fclt\u00fcre nispet etmek ve toplumun \u00e7e\u015fitli katmanlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda me\u015fruiyet kazanmakla ilgilidir.<\/div>\n
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Ancak modern milliyet\u00e7i yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n geleneksel me\u015fruiyet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan en \u00f6nemli fark\u0131 di\u011fer kimliklere dair tutumunda g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin klasik \u0130slami d\u00f6nemlerde H\u00e2ce Nasuriddin Tusi gibi etnik kimli\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k olan bir kimse; Araplar\u0131n, T\u00fcrklerin ve Acemlerin olumlu ve olumsuz y\u00f6nlerini objektif bir \u015fekilde dile getirebiliyor ve bunu yaparken yabanc\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 diyebilece\u011fimiz ifadelere yer vermiyordu. Ancak modern milliyet\u00e7i yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n en temel karakteristi\u011fi \u00f6teki ile kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkidir ve Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi olarak adland\u0131r\u0131labilecek bu ak\u0131m daha ilk g\u00fcnden itibaren yo\u011fun bir Arap ve T\u00fcrk kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 s\u00f6ylem \u00fczerinden var olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve bu \u015fekilde me\u015fruiyetini sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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Bug\u00fcn bile \u2018T\u00fcrk\u2019 ve \u2018Arap\u2019 kavramlar\u0131 kullan\u0131l\u0131rken \u00e7e\u015fitli tahkir edici s\u0131fatlar eklenmesi \u0130ran\u2019da yayg\u0131n bir al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131kt\u0131r. \u0130\u015fin ilgin\u00e7 yan\u0131 farkl\u0131 olana dair bu \u015fiddetli \u00f6nyarg\u0131 yaln\u0131zca T\u00fcrk ve Araplarla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmam\u0131\u015f, Tahranl\u0131 modern milliyet\u00e7i elitler belirledikleri keskin \u00e7izgilerle yeterince \u2018Fars\u2019 bulmad\u0131klar\u0131 Isfahan, \u015eiraz, Me\u015fhed ve Gilanl\u0131 kesimleri dahi keskin ele\u015ftirilerinin hedefine yerle\u015ftirmi\u015f ve \u2018f\u0131kralar\u2019 yoluyla \u00f6tekile\u015ftirmekten \u00e7ekinmemi\u015flerdir. Nitekim \u00fcstat \u015eehriyar \u2018Ey Tahranl\u0131lar\u2019 ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 uzunca \u015fiiriyle farkl\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerin halklar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik bu hakaretlere cevap vermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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Tek tiple\u015ftirici asimilasyon politikalar\u0131<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Etnik gruplar \u00fczerindeki yo\u011fun bask\u0131 II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra Azerbaycan ve K\u00fcrdistan \u00f6zerk b\u00f6lgelerinin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131n verdi\u011fi korkuyla daha da artm\u0131\u015f ve tek tiple\u015ftirici politikalar ivme kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ay adlar\u0131 Arap\u00e7a oldu\u011fu gerek\u00e7esiyle \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi isimlerle de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015f, hicri takvim terk edilmi\u015ftir. Bu noktada di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin deneyimleriyle \u0130ran aras\u0131nda benzerlikler kurmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse de di\u011fer kimlikleri d\u0131\u015flayan bu uygulamalardaki ana fark, \u0130ran \u00f6rne\u011finde, \u00e7ok daha ince ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yollar kullan\u0131larak asimilasyon politikalar\u0131n\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irilmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin ondan fazla dil ve leh\u00e7enin yayg\u0131n olarak konu\u015fuldu\u011fu \u00fclkede Tahran aksan\u0131 yar\u0131 kutsall\u0131k kazanm\u0131\u015f ve bu aksan\u0131 yeterince iyi kullanamayanlar \u00e7e\u015fitli sosyal ve psikolojik bask\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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\u00c7izgi filmlerde k\u00f6t\u00fc karakterlerin az\u0131nl\u0131k leh\u00e7eleriyle konu\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ya\u015flardan itibaren nas\u0131l bir \u00f6nyarg\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Okul \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemden ba\u015flayan bu asimilasyon politikalar\u0131 ailelerin \u00e7ocuklar\u0131yla kendi dil veya leh\u00e7elerinde konu\u015fmamas\u0131na, b\u00f6ylece bir m\u00fcddet sonra gen\u00e7 nesillerin ana kimlik ve dilleriyle olan irtibatlar\u0131n\u0131n kesilmesine neden olmaktad\u0131r. Gen\u00e7lerin \u201cannem ve babam T\u00fcrk ama ben Fars\u0131m\u201d dediklerinde ne kastettiklerini anlamak i\u00e7in bu asimilasyon politikalar\u0131n\u0131 bilmek gereklidir. Araplar ve T\u00fcrkler hakk\u0131ndaki olumsuz s\u0131fatlar ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lay\u0131c\u0131 \u2018f\u0131kralar\u2019 \u00e7e\u015fitli kesimler aras\u0131nda hala \u00e7ok yayg\u0131nsa da resmi olarak g\u00fcndeme getirilmemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Ancak ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u0131llarda \u0130ran gazetesinde yay\u0131nlanan ve T\u00fcrkleri ha\u015ferelere benzeten karikat\u00fcr krizinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi kolektif bilincin ve g\u00fcnl\u00fck konu\u015fmalarda s\u00fcrekli g\u00fcndeme gelen konular\u0131n zaman zaman kamusal alana yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 engellemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir.<\/div>\n
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Fars kimli\u011fini tahkim ve me\u015fruiyet krizi<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Bug\u00fcnden bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda R\u0131za \u015eah ve o\u011flu Muhammed R\u0131za Pehlevi d\u00f6neminde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen e\u011fitim ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr faaliyetlerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ilk d\u00f6nem milliyet\u00e7ilerinin hayalini kurduklar\u0131 ulusal kimli\u011fin olu\u015fmas\u0131nda etkili oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Nitekim siyasi ihtilaflar ne olursa olsun olu\u015fturulan modern Fars kimli\u011fi \u00fczerinde bir tart\u0131\u015fma oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rm\u00fcyoruz. \u00d6rne\u011fin etnik a\u00e7\u0131dan \u2018Fars\u2019 olmayan \u015eah-Musadd\u0131k ya da Hamenei-Musevi gibi politik fig\u00fcrlerin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n tamamen politik veya ideolojik oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Benzer \u015fekilde \u00fclkede solcu, \u0130slamc\u0131 ya da milliyet\u00e7i kesimler aras\u0131nda Fars k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve yabanc\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinde ihtilaf yoktur ya da ideolojik olarak z\u0131t kutuplara mensup olmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen \u015eahl\u0131k rejimi veya \u0130slam Cumhuriyetinin e\u011fitim rahlesinden ge\u00e7en kesimlerin \u00f6rne\u011fin Arap kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n tamamen \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir.<\/div>\n
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Son olarak Farsl\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fccelten milliyet\u00e7i e\u011filimlerin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131nda gittik\u00e7e derinle\u015fen bir me\u015fruiyet krizi ya\u015fayan y\u00f6netimin \u00f6zellikle \u015fehirli e\u011fitimli kesime y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131 da etkili olmu\u015ftur. \u0130slamc\u0131 ve mezhep\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemin etkilemekten uzak oldu\u011fu sek\u00fcler kesimlerle y\u00f6netim aras\u0131ndaki mesafe doksanl\u0131 y\u0131llardan itibaren s\u00fcrekli olarak artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6nemde \u00e7o\u011funlukla gen\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda \u0130slam \u00f6ncesine ait fig\u00fcrler ve sembollerin kullan\u0131m\u0131nda ciddi bir art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Yine ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u0131l b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kat\u0131l\u0131mla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen Pers \u0130mparatoru Kyros\u2019u (Kuro\u015f) anma g\u00fcn\u00fc gibi sembolik g\u00f6steriler \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 sloganlar\u0131n at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k hava mitinglerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Y\u00f6netim bu dalgay\u0131 kullanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak baz\u0131 ad\u0131mlar atm\u0131\u015f \u00f6rne\u011fin \u015eah d\u00f6neminde kurulan ve devrimden sonra ad\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirerek \u0130slam Cumhuriyeti Haber Ajans\u0131na \u00e7evirdi\u011fi Pars Haber Ajans\u0131n\u0131 an\u0131msat\u0131r \u015feklinde yeni kurdu\u011fu haber ajans\u0131na \u2018Fars\u2019 ad\u0131n\u0131 uygun g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f, ya da alttan alta b\u00fcy\u00fck \u0130ran haritalar\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131na g\u00f6z yummu\u015ftur.<\/div>\n
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Arap \u015eiiler de rahats\u0131z<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Son d\u00f6nemde yaz\u0131l\u0131 ya da g\u00f6rsel bas\u0131nda rejimin kurucusu Humeyni\u2019nin \u0130ranc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi yeren, buna mukabil \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00fcmmet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karan s\u00f6zlerine rastlamak olduk\u00e7a g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015fmi\u015ftir. Tersine Safevicilik tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazanm\u0131\u015f ve Yeni Safevicili\u011fin teorisyeni olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilecek Cevad Tabatabai ve benzeri isimlerin devlet kontrol\u00fcndeki bas\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fckleri ve etkinlikleri ciddi bi\u00e7imde artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ahmedinejad gibi devrimin ilk y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki ideallere d\u00f6nmekten bahseden muhafazak\u00e2r isimler bile siyasi kampanyalar\u0131n\u0131 dini mek\u00e2nlar\u0131 de\u011fil Perspolisi ziyaret ederek ba\u015flatmakta ve bu \u015fekilde me\u015fruiyet kesbetmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/div>\n
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Irak ve Suriye\u2019deki askeri operasyonlar\u0131 komuta eden Kas\u0131m S\u00fcleymani\u2019nin antik \u0130ranl\u0131 sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 fig\u00fcrlere benzetilmesi ya da d\u00f6rt Arap ba\u015fkentinin fethedildi\u011fi s\u00f6ylemleri Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin d\u0131\u015f politikada da ne denli kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 bir ara\u00e7 haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00f6stergesidir. Son d\u00f6nemde bu s\u00f6ylemlerin Tahran\u2019\u0131n m\u00fcttefiki olan kimi Arap \u015eiileri bile rahats\u0131z edici hale geldi\u011fi ve \u00f6zellikle Irak\u2019taki liderlerin Arapl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 daha s\u0131k vurgulamaya ba\u015flad\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. \u0130ran i\u00e7inde bask\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve belirleyicili\u011fi artmaya ba\u015flayan Pers milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin b\u00f6lge g\u00fcndemini me\u015fgul etmeye devam edece\u011fi \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclebilir.<\/div>\n
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[Dr. Hakk\u0131 Uygur. \u0130ran Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 Merkezi (\u0130RAM) Ba\u015fkan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131]<\/div>\n
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Son d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye’den \u00fcst d\u00fczey yetkililerin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 ele\u015ftiren a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda giderek artan bir \u015fekilde Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanmalar\u0131 g\u00f6zlemcilerin dikkatini \u00e7ekiyor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8013,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":[],"jnews_primary_category":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[19],"tags":[],"coauthors":[],"class_list":["post-8014","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-dunya"],"yoast_head":"\nANAL\u0130Z - Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve me\u015fruiyet krizi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Son d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye'den \u00fcst d\u00fczey yetkililerin \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 ele\u015ftiren a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda giderek artan bir \u015fekilde Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanmalar\u0131\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nordicturk.com\/arsiv\/20122025\/analiz-fars-milliyetciligi-ve-mesruiyet-krizi\/8014\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"ANAL\u0130Z - 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